Problem Statement
Imagine walking into a classroom where every voice matters and every story has the power to change hearts and minds. This is the potential we see in our immigrant students, yet many find themselves silenced in American schools. The term “immigrant” itself is inadequate to capture the diverse experiences of those living in a country other than their birth nation, whether they are migrants, foreign-born, international migrants, or refugees (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018). Regardless of their status, these students need welcoming spaces to share their immigration experiences and their journeys through the American education system.
Unfortunately, safe spaces are often replaced with unwelcoming environments, bias, invisibility, and hardships ((Irwin et al., 2023). In the United States public school system, one in ten students are English Language Learners (ELLs) (Irwin et al., 2023). Their experiences can inspire others and create greater understanding among their peers and teachers. However, they face numerous obstacles before they can lift their voices and be truly seen and heard.
The scale of this challenge is significant. In 2023, 694,900 immigrants resided in Philadelphia, comprising 11 percent of the total population. Of these, 288,400 were children with at least one immigrant parent (Vera Institute of Justice, 2023). The School District of Philadelphia refers to ELL students as English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL). These terms are used interchangeably. The ESOL population has soared in Philadelphia Public Schools. From the 2014-15 to 2022-23 school years, the number of schools where ELs made up 20% or more of the student population more than doubled, growing from 26 schools to 59 schools (Schlesinger, 2023).
This growth is mirrored in individual schools. For example, at the Robert B. Pollock School, where I work as an ESOL teacher, the ESOL population has increased from 12% in the 2014-2015 school year to 24% in the 2023-2024 school year. The school now educates ESOL students who speak 25 distinct home languages (School District of Philadelphia, 2022).
The challenges faced by immigrant students are vividly illustrated in cases like that of Maria, a 16-year-old student from El Salvador. As documented by (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018) Maria struggled with English proficiency and cultural adaptation, leading to feelings of isolation in high school. However, with targeted support from her ESOL program and culturally sensitive counseling, Maria improved her academic performance and social integration over two years.
This curriculum unit aims to explore the reasons why some immigrant students struggle to excel in their English-speaking skills and why some feel silenced in school. More importantly, it seeks to amplify the voices of immigrant students. The goal is to transform them from isolated individuals to leaders within their school communities. These students will write and publish their immigration stories in their own voices, allowing others to hear them and, most importantly, learn from them.
By providing opportunities for these voices to be heard and seen, we can create a powerful tool for immigrant students to see themselves truly and for others to develop empathy by recognizing shared experiences. As Cummins (2021) argues, rethinking the education of multilingual learners requires a critical analysis of our current approaches and a commitment to creating inclusive learning environments.
This initiative is not just about improving English skills; it’s about nurturing the whole student. It’s about creating safe spaces where vulnerability is a strength, where diversity is celebrated, and where every accent adds to the rich chorus of our shared American experience. By amplifying these voices, we’re not just teaching language; we’re shaping a more inclusive, empathetic, and understanding generation.
To amplify these unheard voices, we must first understand the many factors that can make immigrant children feel unheard in the classroom.
Cultural Identity and Migration
Cultural identity is defined as the sense of belonging to a particular cultural or ethnic group (Schwartz, S. J., et al.,2010). It plays a pivotal role in the immigrant student experience. Research indicates that a strong, positive ethnic identity correlates with improved psychological adjustment and academic outcomes among immigrant youth (Umaña-Taylor AJ et al., 2014). However, the process of identity formation in immigrant adolescents is complex and often fraught with challenges.
Understanding cultural identity is paramount in the context of our Philadelphia schools, where the immigrant population has grown by 69% between 2000 and 2016 (Pew Charitable Trusts(2018). Students in our ESOL programs navigate what Berry (2006) terms “acculturative stress,” the psychological strain associated with adapting to a new cultural environment. Our curriculums must address this by creating spaces for identity exploration and expression.
Moreover, various types of migration can impact students and their families. Migration is a heterogeneous phenomenon encompassing economic migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and second-generation immigrants. Each category presents unique challenges and opportunities that significantly impact students’ educational experiences and outcomes (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018).
In our Philadelphia schools, we encounter this diversity daily. Refugee students, for instance, often grapple with interrupted formal education and trauma, necessitating specialized educational and psychosocial support (McBrien, 2005). Conversely, children of skilled migrants may face different challenges, such as high parental expectations and the pressure to succeed in a new academic environment (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008).
Furthermore, Portes and Rumbaut (2001) coined the term “mode of incorporation.” It refers to the conditions under which immigrants enter and are received by the host society. For example, some immigrant groups might be welcomed with supportive policies and positive public attitudes, while others might face restrictive policies and discrimination. These different reception contexts can influence how well immigrants adapt to their new lives in the United States, affecting areas such as education, employment, and social integration (Portes and Rumbaut 2001).
Additionally, the mode of incorporation in schools is demonstrated positively when the school community welcomes immigrant students and their families and provides support and resources. These students may adapt more easily and perform better academically. Conversely, it is demonstrated negatively when the school environment is unwelcoming or discriminatory, which could negatively impact students’ adaptation and academic performance (Portes and Rumbaut 2001).
Furthermore, it is important to understand the historical context of immigration in the United States. Immigration is currently a hot and very controversial topic. Everyone seems to have an opinion about it, especially politicians.
To further demonstrate, in July 2023, former President Donald Trump and J.D. Vance, a Republican Senator from Ohio, made comments about Haitian immigrants that were widely criticized as racist and xenophobic. Trump claimed during a campaign event in Iowa, that Haitian immigrants were coming to America with AIDS. He also stated, “They’re coming into our country, and they’re coming in from Africa, from Asia, but they’re also coming in from the island.” (Rinaldi et al., 2023). Moreover, on the Jack Murphy Live podcast interview that aired on July 21, 2023, Vance said that Haitians eat cats and dogs. He said, “My view is that we should probably not let any of those people into our country because the food supply is already strained, and I don’t want to have to let a bunch of Haitians eat my dog.” (Choi, 2023).
Moreover, President Trump doubled down on his feelings about the Haitian immigrants who obtained legal status to be in Springfield, Ohio, during the ABC Presidential Debate, which was aired on September 10, 2024. Trump proclaimed, “In Springfield, they’re eating the dogs. The people that came in. They’re eating the cats. They’re eating — they’re eating the pets of the people that live there. And this is what’s happening in our country. And it’s a shame.”(Hoffman, 2024).
Because of rhetoric like this, it is clearly difficult for immigrants of color to have a positive mode of incorporation in American society as they are viewed through lenses that have been comprised of racism and xenophobia.
Some may wonder, when did views on immigration become negative in the United States? It is shocking to hear the above-stated views are from a president of the United States and the current senator of Ohio. In short, immigration has always favored white immigration even though our country has historically been called the melting pot. This term was coined to describe cultural integration and even the assimilation of immigrants into the US (European Center for Populism Studies, 2020).
To further explain, immigration has historically been a point of pride for the United States. For example, during the 1600s-1700s, the United States had an open-door policy for European settlers, primarily from England, Scotland, and Germany, seeking religious freedom, economic opportunity, or fleeing persecution. (Daniels, 2002). This trend continued with the First Naturalization Act of 1790, which furthered immigration of “free white persons” of “good moral character,” explicitly excluding Native Americans, enslaved people, and, later, Asian immigrants. The United States policies that favored European immigration continue today (Daniels, 2002).
On the bright side, Philadelphia has been a sanctuary city since 1916. As such, Philadelphia’s immigration history offers a rich tapestry for exploration. From the German and Irish immigrants of the 19th century to the recent influxes from Latin America, Asia, and Africa; our city has been shaped by successive waves of immigration. The establishment of ethnic enclaves like Chinatown and the Italian Market reflects the enduring impact of these migrations on Philadelphia’s urban fabric (Vitiello & Sugrue, 2017).
Language Acquisition and Bilingualism
The process of acquiring a second language is far from simple. Unlike first language acquisition, which typically occurs naturally in childhood, second language learners face unique challenges. Krashen’s (1982) Input Hypothesis suggests that language acquisition occurs when learners are exposed to comprehensible input slightly above their current level. This theory underpins the importance of providing our English learners with rich, contextual language experiences.
However, the path to proficiency is not linear. Selinker’s (1972) concept of interlanguage reminds us that learners develop their own linguistic system that is neither their first language nor the target language. This explains why our Spanish-speaking students might say things like “I have 10 years old” instead of “I am 10 years old”. They’re navigating between language systems.
Moreover, numerous hurdles exist in this process. A longitudinal study by (Hakuta et al 2000) found that it takes 3-5 years to develop oral proficiency in English and 4-7 years to reach academic proficiency. This research underscores the need for sustained support for our English learners, even after they appear fluent in conversational English.
Bilingualism has many well-documented benefits. For example, Bialystok et al (2012) reviewed extensive research showing that it enhances cognitive abilities, including executive function and metalinguistic awareness. These skills can translate into academic advantages, particularly in problem-solving and critical thinking.
Although bilingualism has some challenges, such as code-switching, which alternates between languages, it is a common practice among bilinguals. While once viewed negatively, current research recognizes it as a sophisticated linguistic skill. As García & Wei (2014) argue, code-switching, or what they term “translanguaging,” is a valuable resource that should be leveraged in the classroom.
In academic contexts, bilingual students may initially seem to lag behind monolingual peers. This phenomenon, known as the “bilingual lag,” is typically temporary. A study by Hoff et al. (2012) found that while bilingual toddlers had smaller vocabularies in each individual language compared to monolingual peers, their total vocabulary size across both languages was comparable or larger. It is very important that school administrators and general education teachers be patient and maintain high expectations. However, they must also remember Hakuta et al.’s (2000) findings on the time required for language acquisition.
The key to success may well lie in home language maintenance. Maintaining the home language is not just culturally important; it’s also academically beneficial. Cummins’ (1979) linguistic independence hypothesis posits that skills developed in the first language can be transferred to the second language. This means that strong literacy skills in a student’s home language can support English acquisition.
Furthermore, a longitudinal study by Thomas & Collier (2002) provides compelling evidence for this. They found that students who received sustained instruction in their home language alongside English eventually outperformed monolingual English speakers in academic achievement tests.
Language Brokering
Language brokering was first formally identified by researcher Lucy Tse (1995). Tse describes the practice where bilingual children act as linguistic and cultural interpreters for their immigrant families. In short, they are their families cultural ambassadors. These young interpreters don’t just translate words; they navigate complex social systems, decode cultural nuances, and shoulder adult responsibilities that can significantly impact their educational experience (Orellana, 2009).
There are both positive and negative aspects to young children placed in the role of a language broker. For example, the research by Weisskirch & Alva (2002) indicates that language brokers often develop advanced cognitive skills and cultural competency, but they may also experience academic challenges due to their family obligations. Valdes (2003) seems to agree and argues that these students possess unique gifts that often go unrecognized in traditional educational settings. Their ability to navigate between languages and cultures, handle complex social situations, and mediate adult interactions represents a form of intelligence that deserves acknowledgment and support.
Conversely, Morales & Hanson (2005) found that language brokers often experience stress from the responsibility of accurate translation, especially in high-stakes situations like medical appointments or legal proceedings. They might feel torn between their roles as students and family mediators, leading to increased anxiety and potential academic challenges.
School District of Philadelphia graduate, Alaha Abdul Faruq, shared her first-hand experience with language brokering on a panel titled the Pros and Cons of Sheltered ESL in K-12 (Gonzalez et, al 2024).
Alaha shared that her family immigrated from Afghanistan, where she was born, to Russia. She lived there for 8 years. Then, they finally moved to Philadelphia. Alaha explains,
I kind of had this picking up and moving to a different country twice. Now, the first time I did it, I was really young, so I kind of grew into the language, and so did my parents. There was never an issue of me translating for them or anything like that, but this time around, when we came to the United States, I’m still their translator for a lot of things. I was literally like an eight-year-old kid when I was translating IRS documents, which I still don’t understand. So I think that’s a shared experience between all immigrant children (Gonzalez et al., 2024).
Racial & Cultural Bias
Teacher bias against ESOL students can manifest in various forms, including linguistic bias, cultural bias, and racial bias. These biases are often unconscious and can significantly impact students’ academic performance, self-esteem, and overall educational experience. August, et al (2014) argues that teacher perceptions of ESOL students can profoundly affect the academic opportunities afforded to these learners, potentially limiting their access to advanced coursework or gifted programs.
Tenenbaum & Ruck’s (2007) synthesis of research findings revealed compelling evidence of the prevalence of teacher bias. Their study found that teachers often hold lower expectations for racial minority students. This is a category that encompasses many ESOL learners. These lowered expectations can lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy, where students perform to the teacher’s expected level rather than to their full potential.
Linguistic Bias
Everyone has biases. Everyone. This truth can be uncomfortable for educators, but not confronting personal biases can have a great impact on immigrant students. These biases, often unconscious, can significantly impact our ESOL students’ educational experiences and outcomes. As Tenenbaum & Ruck’s (2007) research revealed, teacher biases can manifest in lower expectations for racial minority students, including many ESOL learners.
Recent studies have illuminated the pervasive nature of bias in educational settings. According to Flores & Rosa (2015), linguistic bias manifests when teachers perceive ESOL students’ language practices as deficient rather than different. Their research documents how this perception leads to the systematic undervaluation of students’ linguistic resources and the imposition of rigid standard language norms that can hinder student progress.
The United States does not have an official language, yet many immigrants are commanded by some to “speak American!” American is not a language (Leung, K 2018). Moreover, most native English speakers who have studied a foreign language admit that studying a foreign language is very challenging, and they would not be comfortable traveling to a foreign land with the amount of foreign language that they know. Ironically, native English speakers receive praise for learning a second language, and immigrants receive social shame when they learn English as a second or third language. It is a double standard (Leung, K 2018).
Furthermore, Shapiro’s (2014) extensive study in New York City schools revealed how linguistic bias can lead to the academic marginalization of ESOL students. The research documented cases where capable students were placed in lower academic tracks primarily due to language differences rather than academic ability. This tracking often resulted in reduced academic opportunities and diminished student engagement. Karen Leung, a native Cantonese speaker and Western Washington University student, expressed her concerns about being considered English proficient.
It is shocking the kind of reactions and responses I get when people find out I’m bilingual and that English is my second language. Usually, my English proficiency is celebrated, but my native tongue is swept under the rug. I get compliments like “Your English is so good” and “You don’t even have an accent,”; if those are compliments at all. Here’s my question, why is it so important for me to speak perfect English? Would it make a difference if I spoke with an accent? What if I spoke it the way my parents do? Does my proficiency in one language really define my intelligence? What about the fact that I can speak two languages? You know, it actually takes an intelligent person to learn and master more than one language (Leung, K 2018).
There is much research to support Leung’s (2018) experience with linguistic bias in educational settings. In fact, it has been well-documented. For example, a significant study by Flores & Rosa (2015) demonstrated how teachers often perceive ESOL students’ language practices as deficient rather than different. Their analysis illuminates how this perception can lead to the undervaluation of students’ linguistic resources and the imposition of rigid standard language norms.
Furthermore, Harklau’s (2000) study in a California high school documented how linguistic bias affected student placement. She followed several immigrant students, including one Chinese student who, despite having a strong academic performance in her home country, was placed in low-track classes based primarily on limited English proficiency. This placement decision, influenced by linguistic bias, significantly impacted the student’s educational trajectory and self-perception.
Asset-based Mindset
Implementing culturally responsive teaching practices can significantly positively impact ESOL students’ social-emotional well-being. This asset-based approach to teaching requires that educators abandon a focus on students’ perceived limitations and weaknesses and expand their understanding of the strengths, assets, and funds of knowledge that students and their families possess (Arias, 2022).
This approach requires understanding and valuing the complexity of multilingual students, their communities, and multilingual parents’ values and aspirations for their children.
An asset-based pedagogy views the diversity that students bring to the classroom, including culture, language, ableism, socio-economic status, immigration status, and sexuality, as characteristics that add value and strength to classrooms and communities (California Department of Education, 2021). Rather than attempting to ignore this diversity, an asset-based pedagogy requires students to be viewed in a new light and recognize that these characteristics can be a catalyst for learning (California Department of Education, 2021). Rather than attempting to ignore this diversity, an asset-based pedagogy requires viewing students in a new light, recognizing that Harklau’s (2000) study evidently shows that some participants with a poor self-perspective could have greatly benefited from teachers with an asset-based mindset when teaching ESOL students.
As Holi Goldenberg, a multilingual manager in the School District of Philadelphia, stated in a panel discussion titled “Pros and Cons of Sheltered ESL in K-12, “just because “ Esol students “are not proficient in English doesn’t mean that they don’t bring a ton of awesome things into the classroom. They are bringing their own experiences with language, culture, and living in other countries” (Gonzalez et al., 2024).
Additionally, the effects of teacher bias extend beyond academic placement. Research by Shapiro (2014) on the experiences of immigrant students in New York City schools revealed that teacher bias could lead to feelings of alienation and disengagement among ESOL students. One student in Shapiro’s study, a Dominican immigrant named Carlos, reported feeling “invisible” in his mainstream classes, where teachers rarely called on him or engaged with his contributions.
Addressing teacher bias requires a multifaceted approach. Villegas & Lucas (2007) emphasize the importance of culturally responsive teaching in mitigating bias and improving outcomes for diverse learners. This approach involves recognizing and valuing students’ cultural and linguistic backgrounds as assets rather than deficits.
Sondra Gonzalez, a School District of Philadelphia ESOL teacher and participant in the panel discussion, Pros and Cons of Sheltered ESL in K-12, shared,
Teachers need to understand just because someone is an ESL student doesn’t mean that they’re all the same, that they’ve had the same educational background and the same life experiences. To make blanket statements such as, “Oh, I’ve had ESL students before, so why isn’t this one performing”? Just to make a relationship with your students get to know them because there are particular ways that ESL students are compared, and the way that teachers are often comparing them is sometimes really not fair. Making that relationship is absolutely key (Gonzalez et al., 2024)
Moreover, professional development for teachers can be very helpful. For example, a fascinating year-long study by Mellom et al. (2018) followed 147 teachers who participated in monthly professional development focused on understanding and supporting ESOL students. What makes this study particularly interesting is that it shows real change in both teacher attitudes and student participation.
Teachers in the study learned specific strategies through monthly workshops and got feedback on their classroom teaching. The results were significant. Teachers who once insisted on “English-only” classrooms began to understand why allowing students to use their home language actually helps them learn English better. More importantly, when teachers changed their approach, they saw more ESOL students actively participating in class discussions.
One teacher in the study captured what many discovered: she realized that when she stopped viewing students’ home languages as a problem and started seeing them as a resource, her ESOL students’ English development actually accelerated. This finding is particularly powerful because it shows how changing our perspective can directly impact student success.
Supporting ESOL Students’ Social and Emotional Growth
Acculturative stress represents a significant challenge for ESOL students in mainstream educational settings. According to Suárez-Orozco (2018), this phenomenon manifests as psychological and emotional pressure when students navigate their home culture and the new school environment. Berry (2006) explains that acculturative stress emerges through a complex process where students experience ongoing tension between cultural maintenance and adaptation to new cultural norms. This stress becomes particularly evident in educational settings where students must simultaneously manage academic demands while adjusting to unfamiliar cultural expectations.
Research by Suárez-Orozco reveals that students often exhibit various manifestations of this stress, including social withdrawal, anxiety during classroom interactions, and decreased academic engagement. Suárez-Orozco’s (2008) and Berry’s (2006) framework further illuminates how this stress impacts daily classroom experiences, from participation patterns to peer interactions, noting that students often feel caught between conflicting cultural values and behavioral expectations. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for educators, as Suárez-Orozco’s studies demonstrate that unaddressed acculturative stress can significantly impact both academic performance and social-emotional well-being in the classroom environment (2018).
Furthermore, social and emotional stressors are often displayed academically in content-area learning, particularly in subjects like science and math, which rely heavily on abstract concepts and specialized terminology. Additionally, they may struggle with literacy skills, such as reading and writing, which often involve comprehending complex sentence structures and decoding unfamiliar words (Short, 2012). Moreover, cultural differences can also pose obstacles, as students may be unfamiliar with classroom norms and expectations. For example, a student from a culture that values collective learning may hesitate to participate in individual work or group discussions (August & Shanahan, 2006).
In addition to academic issues, ESOL students must endure social obstacles. These obstacles usually concern cultural differences, misunderstandings, and misinterpretation of social cues, which can impact their ability to form meaningful peer relationships. For instance, a student from a culture that values indirect communication may struggle to express their needs or concerns in a direct manner, leading to social isolation.
Moreover, Limited English proficiency can prevent students from fully participating in peer interactions, leading to social isolation. Research by Kim et al. (2018) documented how ESOL students often experience feelings of frustration and embarrassment when unable to express themselves effectively, resulting in decreased classroom participation and peer engagement (Hofstede, G. (2010). In light of these factors, it makes sense that many ESOL students deal with trauma or separation anxiety related to immigration experiences. In fact, Suarez-Orozco et al. (2020) found that approximately 58% of immigrant students reported symptoms of anxiety or depression related to family separation or adaptation challenges.
For example, Fadi Kharban graduated from the School District of Philadelphia. He is currently a pre-med major at Drexel University. Fadi shared in a panel discussion titled The Pros and Cons of Sheltered ESL in K-12, that his experience in school was not mostly positive. “There was a language barrier between the English speakers and the non-English speakers that created great disconnection. There was a misconnection that happens” (Gonzalez et al., 2024). That was the majority of his bad experiences. Fadi adds, “ You just don’t know what’s going around. And you’re like what’s going on, and you just keep hearing voices that are not making sense, and you’re feeling like I don’t know what I am doing.”(Gonzalez et al., 2024).
